The ‘Tunisami’: some insights into events in the Arab region two months later
In my article in February 2011, I described the wave of protests triggered by events in Tunisia that was sweeping across the Arab region as a ‘Tunisami’. Then only Tunisian ruler Zein Ben Ali had bowed to the clamour for new freedoms and new opportunities. Now, almost two months later, Egypt has succumbed, and in other Arab countries rulers are either accepting reform or confronting demonstrators with brutal force – though it is buying time, no more.
It is still young people (between 15 and 24), representing more than a third of the total citizens of the Arab region, who continue to be at the eye of this Tunisami. (Although in Libya the use of arms by anti-government groups to defend their community against military attack by the Libyan army, loyal to Gaddafi, marginalized the masses (no more all age groups, men and women, on the streets) and events are taking a different turn from in Egypt and Tunisia.) People are showing less and less fear, and since the beginning of March demonstrations have spread to almost all Arab countries with results that promise change towards a vibrant society. Indeed, in three months, since January, more has happened in the region than in the last 50 years.
The changes in summary
What changes have taken place since my previous article in early February? I have listed the countries according to intensity of recent events.
- Tunisia Zein AlAbdeen, president for more than 20 years, has left the country and his ruling party no longer exists.
- Egypt President Hosni Mubarak, in post for 30 years, has resigned. He has been banned from leaving the country and his wealth is under scrutiny.
- Libya Amazing what a short time can do! Less than two months ago, I wrote: ‘Moamar Qaddafi has been in power since 1969 and is lining up his family to inherit his rule. It’s not clear what is brewing within the country.’ No longer. Demonstrations erupted and, instead of accepting the popular call for reform, Qaddafi used his army to quash the protests. We all know that there is military action by the UN to protect civilians. History suggests that Qaddafi’s resorting to force – with its severe consequences for his country and its wealth – is simply postponing either his own fall or his acceptance of change.
- Yemen President Ali Abdallah Saleh has lost many of his ministers, senior army officers, ambassadors and local governors after his security forces brutally attacked demonstrators. The opposition is not satisfied with the compromises he made in February and demands he leave office. The split within the army will encourage popular demands for Saleh’s resignation.
- Syria President Bashar Assad is facing the first set of demonstrations for freedom in the south of the country (where the sweeping wave of the Tunisami has arrived). The only surprise is that these demonstrations did not happen much earlier. In Syria, no parties are tolerated and power has been passed from father to son. The Ba’ath ruling party dominates all aspects of life, and official corruption is rampant. Again, the regime has responded brutally, attacking demonstrators (the government claims 10 dead, but other sources put the figure at over a hundred on one day alone – 25 March). The mild concessions offered by the government of reviewing the emergency law,[1] in place since 1966, and increasing salaries for government employees are unlikely to placate popular opposition.
- Palestine Demonstrators came out in force both in the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip demanding the end of conflict between the two ruling parties, Hamas and Fateh. Peaceful demonstrations to achieve this objective continue in the West Bank, but in Gaza demonstrations came under attack by the security forces.
- Bahrain The use of force against demonstrations seems to have ended them for now. Unfortunately, the issues raised by the demonstrators were never dealt with, so we know protests will erupt again as Bahrain has a vibrant civil society and youth movement.
- Kingdom of Saudi Arabia There were demonstrations in the eastern part of the country but, as in Bahrain, security forces dispersed them and there was even an edict or fatwa from the religious leaders and scholars outlawing protests as unIslamic. The government printed 1.5 million copies of this edict. The King has authorized a package of financial benefits – salary increases, bonuses, houses, etc – which seems to have satisfied people for now.
- Jordan The prime minister, Bakhit, is pushing forward reforms, focusing especially on legislation relating to young people and eradicating corruption. Here demonstrations have been peaceful and have pushed for speeding up what the government is doing. The government has successfully eased pressure on the cost of living by freezing fuel prices.
- Algeria Public opinion has been mollified by President BouTafliqa’s declaration of an end to the state of emergency, and provision of some financial benefits to citizens. Little has been heard since February.
- Morocco The King of Morocco has introduced moves towards a constitutional monarchy and seems to be responding to people’s wishes.
Essentially, my interpretation of events is that there are three kinds of short-term results to be expected from the situation in the Arab region. First, changes leading to democracy; second, military clampdown with unpredictable results, varying from reform to maintenance of the oppressive status quo to splitting the country into a democratic and an autocratic state; and third, the offer of minor concessions by the regime to draw the sting of the popular movement, to buy time.
What lies behind the protests?
It is becoming clearer by the day that disregard for human rights and social injustice, treating people as subjects rather than citizens, and lack of governance lie behind all the ills in Arab societies, and the intention to change them is the unifying factor behind this popular movement. Each regime claims that it has learned from the experience of others. Mubarak said this of Tunisia before his downfall. The rulers of Libya and Yemen did too, but soon after their people were on the streets. Syria went even further, permitting access to Facebook and Twitter, which were banned until this month. Whether because of that or not (Syrians were using proxies to get around the ban), within two weeks of the restriction being lifted, the demonstrators were on the street asking for freedom. The more space rulers give to their people, the less the region’s peoples will tolerate autocracy.
Another phenomenon that indicates regimes’ lack of understanding of their constituency is that their main reforms focus on economic improvement. They have not accepted that still more important for citizens is to be treated with dignity. They want to be able to hold their rulers accountable for the fair distribution of wealth and opportunities, and they want freedom.
Implications for CSOs and philanthropy
This month, I read in the local section of the Jordan Times[2] that international businesses in a rich Gulf state have objected to donating $1 billion from their CSR funds to a white elephant health project set up by the wife of the ruler. They ran the risk of losing business in that country because they realized that their support could be construed as violating the Corrupt Practices Act in their own countries. They have also probably learned the lesson from Egypt and Tunisia that being close to the ruling family does not mean secure business. I hope that this is the shape of things to come – that CSR funds will stop finding their way into projects supported by rulers’ spouses and family members, and will begin to be distributed in a transparent way to civil society organizations (CSOs).
Generally, the philanthropy sector has been slow to react to what is happening. I am not aware of CSO discussing the impact of the freedom thrust in the Arab region. A group of young people from various Arab countries, funded by individuals and not institutions, will meet in early April to reflect on their experiences and discuss the factors leading to the current movement, challenges that have arisen, and how to address them, and the role of CSOs in moving forward together. Similarly, the Arab Foundations Forum will convene a meeting in Beirut in early May for its members to discuss their evolving role; this will be followed up towards the end of May by a similar session at the EFC meeting in Portugal.
It is refreshing to see growing interest in the region from many international foundations, especially from Europe and the USA, but their involvement will require local guidance. There is always the danger of imposing development on a region. As an example, there is a tendency for international organizations to look at employment creation without tackling the underlying issues related to social justice, citizens’ rights and ending corruption through good governance – thus falling into the same trap as the region’s rulers by thinking that employment of youth is the solution. The young people in Egypt and Tunisia who were in the forefront of the protests were actually employed. Instead of donors acting alone and bringing ready-made solutions, therefore, I hope they will look for guidance from local peers and from local philanthropy advisory services.
A new Arab philanthropy
Finally, I believe that Arabs are claiming back their place in history by being both inspired by, and inspiring to, other regions, and I hope that the use of the term ‘Islamic philanthropy’ will fade away. The term came about as a result of the infamous War on Terror. But the Arab region has its own philanthropic heritage influenced by all three revealed religions – Christianity, Islam and Judaism.
Arabs have much in common with Muslim countries in South and South East Asia (Afghanistan, Pakistan, Malaysia and Indonesia) and with countries in Europe (including Turkey). However, we also have our own uniqueness. I can foresee a time when, with increased confidence in an inspirational global role, Arabs will not feel the need to fend off stereotyping and Islamophobia. Arab philanthropy will not imply isolationism but will be exercised through collaboration with philanthropy in other regions. It will be coordinated through existing philanthropy infrastructure in the region such as the Arab Foundations Forum, research centres like the Gerhart Center for Philanthropy at the American University in Cairo, and philanthropy advisory services like SAANED for Philanthropy Advisory Services Arabia, operating from Jordan.
1 The state of emergency, which has been imposed since 1966, means that the police can detain anybody for extended periods without stating the reason and without a court hearing. The government has promised to review this, not actually to remove it.
2 Jordan Times, 24 March 2011, p4.
Atallah Kuttab is Director General of the Welfare Association, Switzerland/Palestine. He is also a board member for the Arab Foundations Forum, Arab Human Rights Fund, and SAANED for Philanthropy Advisory Services Arabia.
Email kuttaba@awelfare.org.jo
This article reflects his personal opinions and not those of any organizations he is associated with.
